Chapter 457: Join Split
London
Ever since the decline of the Russian Empire, France and Austria have become Britain’s greatest enemies. Despite Franz’s attempts at restraint, Austria’s continued growth has still made it a significant threat in British eyes.
It’s unclear when it started, but the Austrian government’s every move has been closely monitored by the British, who have essentially started treating them as they did Germany in the lead-up to World War II.
If not for the French sharing the burden, the British would have already formed an anti-Austrian alliance—something they excel at.
The seemingly inconspicuous redefining of regions caught the attention of the British government, who saw it as a sign of cooperation between France and Austria.
The prospect of a Franco-Austrian alliance was terrifying. Globally, there was no other power that could warrant such a partnership except for Britain.
Late at night on Downing Street, the Prime Minister’s residence was brightly lit. Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli convened an emergency meeting overnight. It wasn’t because he was panicking, but because the situation was on the brink of spiraling out of control.
In recent years, they had been extremely cautious with France and Austria, avoiding overly harsh actions for fear that pressure might push the two countries together.
Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli opened a top-secret file, left by his predecessor. It contained speculation, without any concrete evidence.
But the content was alarming. Former Prime Minister John Russell suspected that France and Austria had a secret agreement and might even have formed an alliance.
The basis for this judgment was Austria’s tacit acceptance of France’s annexation of the Kingdom of Sardinia. This assumption led to multiple diplomatic probes in subsequent political maneuvers.
After numerous probes, they became unsure if it was a smokescreen from the two countries, considering France and Austria are each other’s biggest rivals for dominance in Europe.
Originally, Benjamin didn’t believe it either. He thought his predecessor had been too soft in dealing with France and Austria, failing to display British might.
But now his judgment has changed. If Lombardy and Venetia were split from the Italian region, the biggest obstacle to Napoleon III ascending to the Italian throne would be removed.
Given this shift in balance, Austria should normally curb French expansion. Yet, the Austrian government made the opposite decision, which worried Prime Minister Benjamin.
“The documents have been distributed to everyone. I’ve called you here in the dead of night to discuss countermeasures. Based on current information, the rumors of a Franco-Austrian alliance are almost certainly true.
The question now is where Britain should go from here. Can we suppress them in the face of a challenge from both France and Austria?”
The international situation was unfavorable for Britain, a disaster for politics and diplomacy, but for the military, it was another opportunity.
First to speak was the First Lord of the Admiralty, Robert, who stated, “The Royal Navy is capable of meeting any challenge. Even if the opponents are France and Austria, we can ensure Britain’s security.”
This wasn’t boasting as the Royal Navy truly had that capability. As long as they didn’t act recklessly, they stood a chance against a Franco-Austrian alliance.
Of course, this was merely a tactical advantage. Strategically, as a maritime nation, the navy was Britain’s lifeline, and they couldn’t sustain a prolonged conflict with France and Austria.
Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli immediately affirmed, “Very well, from now on, the Royal Navy must be prepared. If war does break out, it will be up to you to defend Britain.”
Robert responded righteously, “Yes, sir…”
The Secretary of State for War was also eager to express his stance but quickly fell silent. It wasn’t that he didn’t want to speak up, but no one would take him seriously.
If even the Royal Navy couldn’t guarantee Britain’s security, relying on the army would be a joke. France and Austria were military powers, with armies three to five times the size of Britain’s.
The assurance from the navy brought some relief. The inability to simultaneously suppress France and Austria was a minor issue. Britain thrived on cunning, able to outwit rather than overpower.
Having received the Royal Navy’s affirmative answer, Foreign Secretary Maclean suggested, “The situation isn’t that dire. France and Austria have deep-seated conflicts. Even if they form an alliance, true cooperation will be difficult.
This is our opportunity. If possible, I propose forming an international alliance with Britain, France, and Austria to jointly dominate international affairs.
Then, we can slowly sow discord between France and Austria until the alliance collapses.”
There are allies who betray, and then there are allies who stir trouble. As masters of both arts, Mackeit planned to use their diplomatic skills to break up the Franco-Austrian alliance.
The Colonial Secretary, Lewis, frowned and asked discontentedly, “Are we going to abandon all our previous plans?
Let’s not forget how rapidly Austria has been expanding overseas these past years. If we don’t restrain them now, it will be impossible to contain them later.”
It’s a fact that Austria’s combat effectiveness in overseas expansion is astonishing. Their expansion speed is unmatched.
Foreign Secretary Mackeit smiled slightly and retorted, “The world is almost entirely divided up. Everyone’s expansion has basically reached its limit. If the Austrians want to continue expanding, they’ll have to confront other nations.
The reason for their rapid expansion, besides a large number of immigrants, is the flexible diplomatic policies of the Austrian government.
In their overseas colonial expansion, they avoided the core colonies of other nations and moved into unclaimed territories. By doing so, Austria naturally didn’t face hostility.
But now it’s different. Any further expansion will lead to conflicts with other countries. Their expansion speed will naturally slow down, and may even come to a halt.
Our original plan would at most cause them some minor trouble. If a colonial war breaks out, we might not gain much advantage either.
Sir Lewis, can you tell me how many troops would be needed to occupy Austria’s various colonies?”
Lewis was slightly taken aback. He hadn’t expected Mackeit to ask this question. However, being a professional, Lewis provided the answer.
“Austrian colonies are mainly divided into five regions: Austrian Africa, Austrian Southeast Asia, Austrian Central America, Austrian South America, and Austrian North America.
First, Austrian North America, a land of ice and snow, includes Alaska and parts of the Arctic islands between Canada and Greenland. The area might be around two million square kilometers, but no one knows for sure since it’s an uninhabited region.
The total population of Austrian North America should be less than ten thousand, so a single company could take it, or even a group of pirates could deal with it.
Next, Austrian South America, which is the Patagonian Plateau extending to the Drake Passage. There are about a hundred thousand indigenous people and more than fifty thousand European settlers.
Both Argentina and Chile are interested in this land. With a little encouragement, they might take action.
The Austrian Southeast Asia has many islands, making it a bit troublesome to make a move on them. This is also the most densely populated Austrian colony, with about four hundred thousand European settlers.
Due to the Lanfang Autonomous Province, there are many Chinese here, totaling over three million, along with four to five million local indigenous people.
This area provides Austria with substantial wealth each year, so the Austrian government pays a lot of attention to it, stationing two infantry divisions here.
In times of war…”
Foreign Secretary Mackeit shouted, “Stop!”
“Sir Lewis, you’ve explained the situation. Austrian North America is just a land of ice and snow, which, aside from looking good on paper, offers Austria no substantial benefits.
Austrian South America is similar. Every year, the Austrian government has to pour money into it, barely breaking even.
These two regions might be easy to take, but apart from their size, do they have any other advantages? If Chile and Argentina are truly interested, they don’t need to take action; they can simply buy the land.
As long as the price is right, the Austrian government wouldn’t mind selling these money-draining territories.
The remaining three colonies are the core of Austria’s colonial system. Unfortunately, these regions are difficult to touch unless we are willing to confront them directly.
Otherwise, I don’t see anyone being able to take the Austrian Southeast Asia. Don’t even think about the Dutch—they wouldn’t dare move unless they want to risk their homeland.
Austrian Central America is even more out of the question. We still need to cooperate with the Austrians to contain the Americans, so we can’t make any moves there.
And no one believes that anyone could take Austrian Africa, right? Even if the combined forces of European countries in Africa were united, they would only be equal to the Austrians.
Given this, what is the value of our previous plans? Aside from making the Austrian government look bad, we won’t gain any substantial benefits.
It might even lead to the fall of South Africa. If Portugal remains neutral and Austria allies with the two Boer Republics, our forces in Cape Town won’t be able to hold South Africa.”
Interests are always the best catalyst. The Colonial Office’s plan would indeed impact Austria, but unfortunately, it would not cause substantial damage.
Even if they were to seize Austrian North America and South America, the Austrian government would just lose face once and save 200,000 guilders in annual expenses.
In the face of reality, Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli naturally made the choice that best served the interests of the British Empire.
“Given the current situation, the most important task is to disrupt or split the Franco-Austrian alliance. All other plans should be put on hold for now.
If we don’t take action soon, it won’t be long before Napoleon III becomes the Emperor of Italy, and the Austrians will annex the German Federal Empire.”
Based on mere speculation, Prime Minister Benjamin reached an almost entirely accurate conclusion, showcasing his exceptional political judgment.
Chancellor of the Exchequer Molitor said worriedly, “This is indeed the urgent priority. Directly confronting France and Austria is very unwise. Provoking conflicts between them to maintain the balance on the European continent is in Britain’s best interest.
By the way, we have a financial issue that needs to be addressed. Previous governments have been too warlike. For the past few decades, we’ve been constantly at war.
They borrowed freely, but the debt burden has fallen on us. Over the last twenty years, our total debt has doubled.
Currently, 34% of our annual revenue goes towards debt repayment. If this continues, the fate of the Russian Empire today will be ours tomorrow.”
This is a huge problem. The British Empire may be wealthy, but that doesn’t mean the government is overflowing with cash. In recent decades, the British government has initiated the Near East War, the Persian War, suppressed the Indian Uprising, and the Ethiopian War…
Even the largest empire cannot withstand such turmoil, and naturally, the debt has piled up.
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